A Call for Reconfiguring the Federal Structure of Ethiopia

This call or plea is made following the statement made by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia in which he dubbed the country’s entry into the third millennium as a Period of Renaissance. He made this statement in an interview that he gave on September 6, 2007, to Time Magazine. In that interview, he said, “It has always been fear — fear that this great nation, which was great 1,000 years ago but then embarked on a downward spiral for 1,000 years, and reached its nadir when millions of people were starving and dying, may be on the verge of total collapse. Now it's not a fear of collapse, I believe we are beyond that. It's the fear that the light which is beginning to flicker, the light of a renewal, an Ethiopian renaissance, that this light might be dimmed by some bloody mistake by someone, somewhere. This [renaissance] is still fragile, a few shoots [which] may need time to be more robust. At the moment, it is fear born out of hope that this new millennium will be as good as the first one and not as bad as the second one.”

Indeed, as he said, Ethiopia had its greatest famine in 1984 which was mainly brought about by the feudal system that the country had passed through for about 200 years or so. Ethiopia had also experienced a military dictatorship which lasted 17 years. In this particular period, the country was engulfed in unprecedented civil wars in Eritrea and Tigrai (1970s and 80s) and an expansionist war from Somalia (1977-1978). Hundreds of thousands of people, mainly young students and peasants and a number of scholars, perished. In my opinion, that was the darkest period in the history of the country.

When the Eritrean, Tigrean, and Oromo Liberation Fronts succeeded in ousting the brutal military regime, the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea were overjoyed. They had the conviction that a new era had dawned in the freedom, democracy, and economic progress of the two countries. Unfortunately, however, that euphoria and optimism has been dashed in a few years by the actions of the governments in planning and implementing policies that encourage separatism within Ethiopia.

Many scholars have criticized the current federal structure, which is based on ethnicity. For example, Professor Emeritus Mesfin Wolde Mariam, the well-known professor of geography at Addis Ababa University, and now a member of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party, once described the present federal structure as Bantustans (separate lands), likening it to apartheid in South Africa.

Another time, the same professor described it as a style of the Mussolini government which delineated the administration of Ethiopia along ethnic boundaries after their invasion in 1935.

There was also a cry by many scholars that Article 99 in the present Ethiopian Constitution, which grants freedom for all administrative regions based on ethnic lines, the right to independence if they wish. So this, in my opinion, gave fertile ground for some opposition parties who are currently in battle with government forces in Oromea and Ogaden regions. I strongly support freedom for any ethnic group, rather than coercion or subjugation as has been done by the past two Ethiopian governments. In short, a strong federation along non-ethnic lines should be the goal of the current government.

Background

Ethiopia is one of the ancient countries in the world; its history goes back to 4,500 BC. Its ancient kingdoms, the Sabean and Axumite Kingdoms have taken the longest span of time in the country’s checkered history, namely 1,000 years. Indeed, History attests to the fact that the Queen of Sheba had ruled over Yemen, and the Axumite emperors also did the same, and even extended their rule to Meroe town in present-day northern Sudan, making it their capital, and having a strong relationship with Egypt. Arising from this historical fact, Menelik II, the greatest emperor of Ethiopia, once declared that his forefathers had ruled a vast territory ranging from Yemen to Madagascar.

The state of Ethiopia came into being, as a modern nation state, in the past 110 years, especially after Emperor Menelik II took the helm of power and pioneered the country’s modernization programs around the turn of the century. The uneducated but foresighted Emperor had also made a valiant struggle against the encroachment of British, French, and Italian colonialism. Menelik and his lieutenants, who were leaders from the main ethnic groups (Amhara, Oromo, Gurage, etc.) and the general public, rallied around the Emperor’s march to Adowa and registered a shining victory against Italian colonialism. Adowa, surprisingly enough, is the birthplace of the current Prime Minister who has a strong dislike of the grand Ethiopian emperor, Menelik II. The Prime Minister is the chief denigrator of this founding father of the nation, in his drive to promote ethnic politics.

There is an old saying that those in power rewrite History.

In his 24 years of reign, the foresighted Emperor brought in all facets of modernization to the country with the sole objective of advancing the nation towards all-round progress. Just to site an example, the Ethio-Djibouti railway line which is the lifeline between Addis Ababa and Djibouti, was planned and partly implemented by the Emperor. Unfortunately, he died before it was completed. Because of lack of financial resources, however, the Emperor leased Djibouti to France for 99 years, and upon the termination of the contract, Djibouti became independent by a referendum of its population in 1976 during the period of the military regime.

Looked at in hindsight, the Eritrean and Tigrean liberation movements, which started their struggles in the early 1970s, were established at the right time to liberate their respective ethnic groups from the shackles of the military dictatorship led by Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam who fled Ethiopia in May 1991.

The original objective of the Tigrai liberation movement was to secede the historical part (the land of Sabean and Axumites) from the rest of Ethiopia. But the leaders of the liberation movement changed their goal of seceding, and instead decided to struggle with other movements to liberate Ethiopia from the oppressive military dictatorial regime.

It was a good decision and resulted in a success story, the formation of a federal government abolishing the unitary and centralized government of the old regimes. But the federation which had been expected for a long time by the entire population of Ethiopia was entirely different from the present ethnically-divided federation, which has brought about a number of practical problems.

Just to cite one example, the capital city, Addis Ababa, is still contested by the Oromos who consider it to be the capital city of their own administrative region. They consider the capital city to be their excusive domain. This situation arose from the fact that Addis Ababa was originally inhabited by the ancestors of the present-day Oromos. It is true that Addis Ababa was the land of the Oromos. But the argument now brought about against an exclusive right of the Oromos is that, as a result of settlement of millions of Ethiopians from every part of the country, the city is now multi-ethnic, not exclusively Oromo. This settlement has occurred over the past 100 years. This controversy arose as a result of the ethnically-based federation.

The federal structure based on ethnicity has also brought a number of problems concerning political participation, land ownership, business, and trade activities. A stranger, or a new settler, in the lands of any of the ethnic-based administrative regions doesn’t have equal rights with the indigenous population. This practically deprives the rights of citizens, Ethiopians, who have the constitutional right to live in any part of the country, own or possess property, and participate in the election of their administrative representatives, both at the regional and national levels.

The federation opens avenues for unnecessary competition, rivalry, deep hatred, and sometimes animosity among Ethiopians. When I was in Ethiopia in 1996, it was reported that some Amharas were displaced by the local people, their houses also burned down, and still others murdered by the same local people in the Southern part of the country. Many teachers from the same ethnic group lost their jobs just because they didn’t know the language of the locality where they were living. After being labeled as Neftegne (pioneers), many people from Amhara were killed at Arba Gugu, Arsi region, Asbot Monastery, eastern Ethiopia, by mob action, which seems to have had tacit approval from the government. It was this brutal action which led to the formation of the All Amhara Party led by the renowned veteran surgeon, Professor Asrat Woldeyes, who was incarcerated for a long time at the prison of the current regime. The Professor languished in prison for several years and finally was so debilitated that he died.

In short, the current ethnic-based federation is divisive, deprives human rights of the country, and retards the progress of the country.

Models of Federalism

1. The Difference-Blind State:

Pros:

The state allows people to develop and express their cultural practices and identities in private – in the home, church, or private associations – so long as they respect the rights of others to do the same, but the state neither promotes nor discourages cultural affiliations and practices. Ethno-cultural diversity is simply privatized, and the state is blind to the private cultural choice of individuals.

Cons:

There are two obvious limitations to this model. The first is that it requires considerable self-restraint on the part of the dominant groups who control the state, and hence which have the power to adopt state policies supporting their culture. Yet again, it would be naïve to suppose that dominant groups will not always be tempted to use their control over the state resources to promote their identities and practices.

Secondly, the state cannot avoid implicitly or explicitly supporting some cultures over others. Most obviously, the state must make decisions about the language or public administration, public health care, schools, public media, road signs, and so on.

Summary:

Many African countries have tried to avoid the danger of linguistic favouritism by simply adopting the colonial language as a state language. But this does not solve the problem of language policy at the local level.

In short, this model can’t serve best for Ethiopia.

2. Jacobean Republicanism

Pros:

The state promotes one particular language, culture, and identity and tries to turn this into a virtue rather than a vice. While the origin of the language will have been from one particular cultural group, the state declares it to be the national language and promotes it through all areas of the country. An example of this is modern-day Thailand. This is the French model of citizenship in which all citizens are expected to assimilate to a particular national language, republican political heritage, and secular culture. This was the model promoted by the Romans 2000 years ago.

Cons:

Many African countries have tried to pursue this sort of top-down nation-building strategy, particularly in Francophone Africa, where French has become the national language of several countries, relegating ethnic languages to a secondary position. However, in non-Francophone areas, including Ethiopia, this model was bitterly resisted by minority groups who feared losing their language.

Summary:

This centralized top-down nation-building strategy cannot be a model for Ethiopia as it has already been tried by the last Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie. The Emperor tried to impose Amharic language on the other ethnic groups who bitterly resented this policy.

3. Civil Society

Pros:

This model aims at avoiding imposition from a centralized and authoritarian state, by promoting government by institutions of civil society such as churches, trade unions, newspapers, environmental groups, women’s groups, etc. In this way, nation-building will occur as a result of gradual evolution and consensus-building in civil society, not by state imposition.

Cons:

Each group has a tendency to be dominant and tries to impose its own will on the others, leading to strife.

Summary:

This an attractive model followed by some African countries, Mauritius being the best example. However, this model, like the other previous models, was contested by many scholars in the field as unworkable. It doesn’t work in reality because there are too many fractured groups who cannot reach a consensus.

4. Multi-nation or Multi-ethnic Federalism

Pros:

This model aims at achieving the formation of a multi-nation state that can be seen as a federation or partnership of various groups, each of which will retain its distinctiveness and its rights to autonomy or self-government.

Where groups are more or less territorially concentrated, it is likely to take the form of federalism. In a multi-nation federal system, the country is divided into several sub-units whose borders are drawn in such a way that each of the various groups will form a local majority in one or more of the sub-units. By defacto controlling a sub-unit, even if they are a minority in the country as a whole, each group is able to feel a sense of security, and can use the levers of sub-state power to protect and promote its identity and culture.

Cons:

This compartmentalization of the country into ethnically-divided administrative regions might help to develop the language, culture, land of each individual state in the country, but there is a rigidity because it does not allow for free movement from one part to another. Thus personal rights are not respected.

Summary:

This model has been successfully applied in Canada, Switzerland, Belgium, and Spain, but has been a failure in Africa, including Ethiopia, because, in each country where it has been attempted, one ethnic group has taken control to the detriment of the others.

5. Shared Ethnic Rule

Pros:

The state may be unitary and centralized, but there are guarantees that all ethnic groups will share power at the central level. This may be achieved through rules regarding the representation of ethnic groups in the legislature, in cabinet, and in the civil service. Electoral systems can play an important rule in encouraging or requiring power sharing in the central legislature.

This model may involve some form of veto rights so that all the major groups in the country must agree on a policy, particularly if it involves constitutional changes or it affects the basic interests of the groups. Like federalism, this model has been successfully adopted in some Western states, such as the Netherlands, Austria, and Belgium. And it, too, has been promoted in Africa, with only limited success. The most obvious attempt to implement it, in Ruanda and Burundi, failed completely but it remains a topic of debate in other African countries including Liberia and Angola.

Proponents argue that it may help to provide a sense of security among the members of the various groups and help them develop some sense of identification with and loyalty to the state. It also eliminates the fear of secession which is often raised in federal systems, since groups are not given control over territory.


Relevant Quotes

• “Concerned with relations between an ethnic groups and the state or between two or more ethnic groups, is essentially amoral. This process, often called ‘political tribalism’, describes the competitive confrontation of ‘ethnic contenders’ for the material resources of modernity through control of the state apparatus. Here success is defined as maximizing the power and resources available to one’s own group, whatever the consequences for other groups or for the functioning of the state as a whole.” – Ethnicity and the Politics of Democratic Nation-Building in Africa, by Bruce Berman, Dickson Eyoh, and Will Kymlicka.

• “The groundswell of popular opposition to all totalitarian rule in the late 1980s and early 1990s was, for many a welcome sign of the re-animation of the agency of Africans to design for themselves more promising futures – futures that would be based on liberal politics and market economies. [emphasis added] This euphoria did not last long as successive electoral cycles re-affirmed the renaissance of clientalism and patronage as the dominant practice of African politics.” – Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait, Reinhardt Benedix.

• “The development of ethnicity in African more than a century ago has been marked by dialectic of expansion and differentiation. Contemporary ethnicities are both much larger in social scale and population, and more shall be demarcated from other such groups, than the smaller and more fluid communities of the pre-colonial past. At the same time, African ethnic groups are univocal, and the concept of culture and custom as well as the boundaries of communities remain matters of frequent conflict and negotiation. The social forces shaping ethnic development and identity have been fundamentally material and ethnic politics has focused on defining the terms of access both to traditional assets of land and labour and the material resources of modernity in both the state and the market.” – Ethnicity and the Politics of Democratic Nation-Building in Africa, by Bruce Berman, Dickson Eyoh, and Will Kymlicka.

• “However constructed, transformed and instrumentalised politically, ethnicity is always or nearly always metaphoric kinship.” [emphasis added] – Ethnicity and the Politics of Democratic Nation-Building in Africa, by Bruce Berman, Dickson Eyoh, and Will Kymlicka.

The Proposal

Here follows what I have in mind regarding the existing ethnic federalism and the changes that should be made by the incumbent government. It is my conviction that, if a change is made to the current federal structure based on ethnicity, Ethiopia can smoothly sail the boat to catch up with the fast growing mid-level advanced countries or to usher in the 21st century.

I propose that the current 10 ethnically-based states be merged into 4 geographically-based states, namely Northern, Southern, Eastern, and Western states. The country should adopt the Canadian model which is a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual structure.

Boundaries are drawn by natural features of the landscape, such as mountains and rivers. This will allow the government to save money on civil service overhead. It does not favour any ethnic group over any other, and it brings people together. It promotes intermarriage and interaction between the ethnic groups. People will have equal rights regarding political affiliations, finding jobs, languages, and culture.

Regarding languages, although Ethiopia has never been colonized and had a language imposed, nevertheless English has become the second most popular language for business and the first for interacting with the outside world. So developing on this fact and the necessity to engage the people of Ethiopia with science and technological progress being made in the 21st century, it is high time that the government should adopt a new language policy which can bring English to number one in the coming few years. The current national language, Amharic, would become an official second language, and Oromifa would be recognized as the third national language. Following the Canadian example, all government documents would be issued in all three languages, legal systems would recognize and utilize all three languages in the courts. The official languages would also be used equally in advertising and packaging materials, road signs, schools, hospitals, and so on. The government should encourage people to learn all three languages by persuasion not coercion.


About the Author:

Melaku Tegegne is a former Ethiopian journalist and diplomat, now a peace and democracy activist and can be reached at melaku_tegegne[at]hotmail.com.


SIDEBAR

This is a call made to the President, Prime Minister, and Members of the Parliament of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia by me alone, without the involvement of any individual, group, or party.

Based on the statement made by the Prime Minister about this being a Renaissance Period, I came to the conclusion that a complete overhaul of the government and federal structure of the country is a matter of necessity, not luxury. The idea of having such a plan is aimed purely at promoting the concept of a multi-ethnic nation and to bring Ethiopia into the 21st century.

Professor Asrat: a Martyr for Democracy in Ethiopia

Death of Prof. Asrat Called “Liquidation”

Professor Asrat Woldeyes, Ethiopia’s most famous victim of the current Addis Ababa administration and onetime leader of the All-Amhara People’s Organization (AAPO), Professor Asrat Woldeyes, passed away on May 14, 1999, at the University of Pennsylvania Hospital in Philadelphia, USA. He died from complications from a heart ailment which had been exacerbated by the effects of his long and internationally-con- demned imprisonment and ill-treatment at the hands of the Meles administration.

The Crown Council immediately said that Dr Asrat’s untimely death was “virtual state liquidation”, and was directly attributable to the Meles administration.

Prof. Asrat, a medical doctor and one of Ethiopia’s leading scientists and humanitarians, had been suffering from a variety of ailments, mostly centering around a heart disorder, when Meles administration officials — faced with daily protests around the world and mounting hostility from major governments — released him to seek medical treatment abroad just before Western Christmas 1998. He has been hospitalized ever since.

He had been personal physician to the late Emperor Haile Selassie I for a quarter century. He had been dismissed from his post at the Black Lion Hospital, in Addis Ababa, when the TPLF administration of Meles Zenawi seized power in 1991.

Prof. Asrat’s family, including his two sons, had gathered to be with him at the hospital at the end. As well, the President of the Crown Council, Prince Ermias Sahle-Selassie Haile-Selassie and Princess Gelila Fesseha, a niece of the Professor, were with him. Le’ult Gelila helped spearhead the campaign to have Dr Asrat released from his illegal imprisonment.

The Professor, who was in his seventies when he died, was preparing his legacy manifesto before his condition worsened in early May.

“Professor Asrat has already created his greatest legacy,” Crown Council President Prince Ermias said. “His legacy is that he has reaffirmed Ethiopia can only survive as a united, democratic country, and that this prize is worth sacrifice to achieve. Professor Asrat has always been a man of peace, dignity and intelligent reason. His imprisonment on trumped-up charges only serves to highlight the nobility of his non-violent protest and the bankruptcy of policies which are imposed by those who fear the will of the people. We cannot allow his sacrifice to be in vain. We cannot forget that his life has been shortened by what amounts to State murder, because he should have been able to complete his medical and teaching career in peace, and he should have been able to look forward to a long and happy retirement. All of this was denied to him, as such freedom is being denied to so many Ethiopians under illegal detainment by the Meles administration.”

The Meles administration released Dr Asrat when it became clear that his condition was deteriorating rapidly in prison. He had already become one of the focal points of protest against the administration, and officials feared that he would become a martyr if he died in prison.

“There is no doubt that Dr Asrat, who never saw himself as a martyr but rather as someone who needed to uphold principles of integrity and Ethiopianness, is now an even greater symbol of Ethiopia’s need for unity and for an end to the kind of repression which has characterized the totalitarianism of the Meles administration,” said one foreign diplomat in Addis Ababa, contacted by Negarit following Dr Asrat’s death. “His death, even released from custody, reflects on Meles.”

Source: Negarit Online, the Crown Council of Ethiopia

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Melaku says:

I have never met the Professor personally, what I know is from the media. I came to know that he was the private physician of the Emperor Haile Selassie I. Furthermore, I know that he was a leading surgeon in Ethiopia of his time. When I heard of his imprisonment in one of the dungeons in Addis Ababa while I was in Khartoum serving the current brutal regime as Second Secretary in Charge of the Consular Section, I felt unhappy to be associated with this government.

Upon my coming to the Foreign Ministry in Addis Ababa, and especially during the burial ceremony of Professor Asrat, I expressed my grief by shedding tears in my private room. It was that particular day, the day of the funeral of Professor Asrat, which became the cause of my desertion of the current government.

Melaku Receiving a Journalism Certificate

Melaku receiving a journalism certificate from the former Editor-in-Chief of Addis Zemen, a daily Amharic newspaper in Addis Ababa in the early 1980s. The man behind was the Minister of the then National Guidance and Information Ministry, Dr. Feleke Gedle Ghiorgs.

Paying Homage to Our Greatest Emperor After More than a Century

Menelik II of Ethiopia

Emperor Menelik II (August 17, 1844 – December 12, 1913) was baptized as Sahle Maryam, was Meridazmach of Shewa ("Graceful Leader" of the province Shewa, now called Addis Ababa Administrative Region) from the period 1866-1889, then "King of Kings" of Ethiopia from 1889 to his death.

Meridazmach ("Graceful Leader") of Shewa Province

The son of Negus Haile Melekot of Shewa, prince Sahle Maryam was born in Ankober, Shewa. In 1855, at the age of 11, he was named as his successor as king of Shewa by his father. Upon the death of his father, he was taken prisoner by Emperor Tewodros II, a former minor nobleman originally named Kassa of Qwara, who had usurped the Imperial throne from the last Emperor of the elder Gondar branch of the Solomonic dynasty (either Emperor Yohannes III or Emperor Sahle Dengel; the historical record is uncertain here). Following Tewodros' conquest of Shewa, young Sahle Maryam of Shewa was imprisoned on the Emperor's mountain stronghold of Magdala, but was treated well by the Emperor, even marrying Tewodros' daughter, Alitash.

Upon Sahle Maryam's imprisonment, his uncle, Haile Mikael had been made ruler of Shewa by Emperor Tewodros II with the title of Meridazmach. However, Meridazmach Haile Mikael rebelled against Tewodros, resulting in his being replaced by the non-royal Ato Bezabih as governor of Shewa. However, Ato Bezabih promptly rebelled against the Emperor and proclaimed himself King of Shewa. Although the Shewan royals imprisoned at Magdala had been largely complacent as long as a member of their family ruled over Shewa, this usurpation by a commoner was not palatable to them. They plotted the escape of Sahle Maryam from Magdala; with the help of Queen Worqitu of Wollo, he escaped from Magdala the night of 1 July 1865, abandoning his wife, and returned to Shewa. Enraged, Emperor Tewodros slaughtered 29 Oromo hostages then had 12 Amhara notables beaten to death with bamboo rods.

Bezabih's attempt to raise an army against Sahle Maryam failed miserably; thousands of Shewans rallied to the flag of the son of Haile Melekot and even Bezabih's own soldiers deserted him for the returning prince. Sahle Maryam entered Ankober and proclaimed himself Negus (King) with the name of Menelik.

While Menelik reclaimed his ancestral crown, he also made a claim on the Imperial throne, as a direct descendant male line of Emperor Lebna Dengel. However, he made no overt attempt to assert this claim during this time; Marcus interprets his lack of decisive action not only to Menelik's lack of confience and experience, but that "he was emotionally incapable of helping to destroy the man who had treated him as a son."

By failing to take part in the 1868 Expedition to Abyssinia, he allowed his rival Kassa to benefit with gifts of modern weapons and supplies from the British. Afterwards other challenges -- a revolt amongst the Wollo to the north, the intrigues of his next wife, Baffana, to replace him with her choice of ruler, military failures against the Arsi Oromo to the south east -- kept Menelik from directly confronting Kassa until after his rival had brought an Abuna (bishop) from Egypt who crowned him Emperor Yohannes IV.

Eventually Menelik acquiesed to Yohannes' superior position, and on 20 March 1878, "approached Yohannes on foot, carrying a rock on his neck, his face down in the traditional form of submission." However, very aware of how precarious his own position was, Yohannes recognized Menelik as Negus of Shewa and gave him numerous presents which included four cannons, several hundred modern Remington rifles, and ammunition for both.

In 1883, Negus Menelik married Taytu Betul, a noblewoman of Imperial blood, and a member of one of the leading families of the regions of Semien, Yejju in modern Wollo, and Begemder. Her paternal uncle, Dejazmatch Wube Haile Maryam of Semien, had been the ruler of Tigray and much of northern Ethiopia. She had been married four times previously and exercised considerable influence. Menelik and Taytu would have no children.

Menelik had, previous to this marriage, sired not only Zauditu (eventually Empress of Ethiopia), but also another daughter, Shoaregga (who married Ras Mikael of Wollo), and a son, Prince Wossen Seged, who died in childhood. In 1886 Menelik married Zewditu to Emperor Yohannes’ son, Ras Araya Selassie. Ras Araya Selassie died in May 1888 without any issue by her, and the Emperor Yohannes was killed in a war against the dervishes (Sudanese of that time) at the Battle of Gallabat (Matemma) in present-day Eastern Sudan on May 10, 1889.

The succession now lay between the late emperor’s natural son, Ras Mengesha, and Menelik of Shewa, but the latter was able to obtain the allegiance of a large majority of the nobility. Menelek was consecrated and crowned as Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia shortly afterwards. Menelek argued that while the family of Yohannes IV claimed descent from King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba through females of the dynasty, his own claim was based on uninterrupted direct male lineage which made the claims of the House of Shewa equal to those of the elder Gondar line of the dynasty.

Menelik, and later his daughter, Zewditu, would be the last Ethiopian monarchs who could claim uninterrupted direct male descent from King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba (both Lij Eyasu and Emperor Haile Selassie were in the female line, Iyasu through his mother Shewarega Menelik, and Haile Selassie through his paternal grandmother, Tenagnework Sahle Selassie).

His Reign as Emperor

In 1889, while claiming the throne against Mengesha, Menelik signed at Wuchale in Wollo province (Uccialli in Italian), a treaty with Italy acknowledging the establishment of the new Italian Colony of Eritrea with its seat at Asmara. This colony had previously been part of the northern Tigrayan territories from which Ras Mangasha and his allies such as Ras Alula generated support, and the establishment of the Italian colony weakened the northern Rases.

However, it was soon found that the Italian version of one of the articles of the treaty placed the Ethiopian Empire under an Italian protectorate, while the Amharic version did not. Emperor Menelik denounced it and demanded that the Italian version be changed.

Negotiations failed, so Menelik renounced the treaty, leading Italy to declare war and invade from Eritrea. After defeating the Italians at Amba Alagi and Mekele, Menelik inflicted an even greater defeat on them, at the Battle of Adowa on March 1, 1896, forcing them to capitulate. A treaty was signed at Addis Ababa recognizing the absolute sovereign independence of Ethiopia.

Menelik II's French sympathies were shown in a reported official offer of treasure towards payment of the indemnity at the close of the Franco-Prussian War, and in February 1897, he concluded a commercial treaty with France on very favorable terms. He also gave assistance to French officers who sought to reach the upper Nile from Ethiopia, there to join forces with the Marchand Mission. Ethiopian armies were sent towards the Nile, but withdrew when the Fashoda Crisis between France and the United Kingdom cooled off. A British mission under Sir Rennell Rodd in May 1897, however, was cordially received, and Menelik agreed to a settlement of the Somali boundaries, to keep open to British commerce the caravan route between Zaila and Harrar, and to prevent the transit of munitions of war to the Mahdists, whom he proclaimed enemies of Ethiopia.

In the following year, the Sudan was reconquered by an Anglo-Egyptian army and thereafter cordial relations between Menelik and the British authorities were established. In 1889 and subsequent years, Menelik sent forces to co-operate with the British troops engaged against a Somali leader, Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan.

In 1898, Menelik had crushed a rebellion by Ras Mangasha, who died in 1906. He directed his efforts henceforth to the consolidation of his authority, and in a certain degree, to the opening up of his country to western civilization. Menelik’s clemency to Ras Mangasha, whom he compelled to submit and then made hereditary Prince of his native Tigray, was ill repaid by a long series of revolts by that prince.

Menelek focused much of his energy on development and modernization of his country after this threat to his throne was firmly ended. In 1894, he had granted a concession for the building of a railway to his capital from the French port of Djibouti, but, alarmed by a claim made by France in 1902 to the control of the line in Ethiopian territory, he stopped for four years the extension of the railway beyond Dire Dawa. When France, the United Kingdom and Italy came to an agreement on the subject in 1906, granting control to a joint venture corporation, Menelek officially reiterated his full sovereign rights over the whole of his empire. He successfully played Italians, French, and British against each other.

In May 1909, the emperor’s grandson Lij Iyasu (later Iyasu V) by his late daughter Shoaregga, then a lad of thirteen, was married to Romanework Mengesha (b. 1902), granddaughter of the Emperor Yohannes IV by his natural son Ras Mengesha, and was also the niece of Empress Taytu. Two days later Iyasu was publicly proclaimed at Addis Ababa as Menelik’s successor. At that time the emperor was seriously ill and as his ill-health continued, a council of regency -— from which the empress was excluded —- was formed in March 1910.

Lij Iyasu's marriage to Romanework Mengesha was dissolved, and he married Seble Wongel Hailu, daughter of Ras Hailu, and granddaughter of Negus Tekle Haymanot of Gojjam. On December 12, 1913, Emperor Menelek II died of a stroke and was buried secretly at the Se'el Bet Kidane Meheret Church on the grounds of the Imperial Palace. Official news of his death was kept from the public for several years by order of Lij Iyasu, although it was soon widely known.

Following the deposing of Lij Iyasu in 1916, and the crowning of Menelik's daughter Zewditu as Empress of Ethiopia, Menelik II was reburied in the specially built church at Ba'eta Le Mariam Monastery of Addis Ababa.

Other Significant Developments During his Reign as Emperor

Menelik II was fascinated by modernity, and like Tewodros II before him, had a keen ambition to introduce the technological and administrative advances of the west into Ethiopia. Following the rush by the major powers to establish diplomatic relations following the Ethiopian victory at Adowa, more and more westerners began to travel to Ethiopia looking for trade, farming, hunting and mineral exploration concessions.

Menelik II founded the first modern bank in Ethiopia, the Bank of Abyssinia; introduced the first modern postal system; signed the agreement and initiated work that established the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway with the French; introduced electricity to Addis Ababa; and also introduced the telephone, telegraph, the motor car, and modern plumbing.

During a particularly devastating famine caused by the decimation of plowing and burden cattle by Rinderpest (an infectious viral disease of cattle, including buffalo) early in his reign, Menelik II personally went out with a hand-held hoe to furrow the fields to show that there was no shame in plowing fields by hand without oxen, something Ethiopian highlanders had been too proud to consider previously. He also forgave taxes during this particularly severe famine.

Later in his reign, he established the first Cabinet of Ministers to help in the administration of the Empire, appointing trusted and widely respected nobles and retainers to the first Ministries. These ministers would remain in place long after his death, serving in their posts through the brief reign of Lij Iyasu and into the reign of Empress Zewditu. They would, in fact, play a key role in the deposing of Lij Iyasu.

Miscellaneous

• Rumored natural children of the Emperor include Ras Birru Wolde Gabriel and Dejazmach Kebede Tessema. The latter, in turn, was rumored to be the natural grandfather of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, the communist leader of the Derg, who eventually deposed the monarchy and assumed power in Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991. However, the only children that Menelek II acknowledged publicly were Zauditu, Shoaregga, and Wossen Seged. Of these three, only Shoaregga has present day descendants.

• During the 1890s, Menelik heard about the modern method of executing criminals using electric chairs, and he ordered 3 for his kingdom. When the chairs arrived, Menelik learned they would not work, as Ethiopia did not yet have an electrical power industry. Rather than waste his investment, Menelik used one of the chairs as his throne, sending another to Lique Mequas Abate (high priest).

• Menelek was known for saying "We must resist the powers, to keep our independence."

source: Wikipedia

=======================

Melaku says:

Let's all of us who are inside and outside Ethiopia pay the greatest homage to Emperor Menelik II, the Father of the Nation, on March 1, 2008, the 112th Adowas Victory Day. Needless to state in detail what the greatest Emperor, our equivalent of Alexander the Great, Napolean the Great and Peter the Great, has done for our beloved country in terms of modernization and material and spiritual progress.

Many Ethiopian historians and foreigners alike have documented well the life and work history of the Emperor. Among the books I read about the Emperor, the one that was written by the late, renowned veteran journalist, Gashe (a form of respect for elderly men in Ethiopia) Paulos Ngongo comes freshly to my mind. Menelik was indeed a great statesman of the 19th and 20th centuries. Because he was a beloved Emperor, he had earned the nickname Emeye (mother). He was indeed the father and mother of the country.

In recognition of his feats in the process of building blocks to present-day Ethiopia, the government in power and the people of Ethiopia at large had celebrated the 100 years anniversary of the great victory of Adowa some years ago with pomp and colour. Indeed, it was a good measure, rather a decision to celebrate the victory of Adowa, the shining victory of the black man against colonial encoachment. However, in my opinion, both the government and the people of Ethiopia need to make more to pay tribute to the Emperor. Let me suggest some of them as follows:

• straighten up the smear campaign or lop-sided development with regard to Menelik's fame and personal contribution, by way of depicting the true history of the founding father of the nation in the mainstream media and the free press;

• allow all teachers and students of higher educational institutions, secondary and elementary schools, to make free discussions, debates, on the role played by the Emperor;

• send the President of the country (not a low-ranking official) to lay wreaths on Menelik's Monument in the centre of Addis Ababa;

• prevent or contol any damage to his monument that can happen by mob action, as has been tried before by some Nihilist groups;

• renew History of the Emperor who has alleged to have committed brutality against the Oromo women by ordering off their breasts; this allegation was aimed at inciting one ethnic group against another;

• keep the monument as part of our heritage; the Minister of Culture and Sports should give priority to the protection, and whenever necessary, the renovation or repair of this monument.

Teddy Afro: Ethiopian Pop Music Artist

Teddy Afro is an Ethiopian music sensation and one of the most successful singers and song writers from Ethiopia in recent times. Teddy's musical success has been credited to the powerful messages conveyed through his songs. From compassion to courage and from forgiveness to love, Teddy has been able to break artistic boundaries that were previously untouched. He has been compared to Jamaican reggae legend Bob Marley, in part because of his ability to bring a political, spiritual, and rhythmic presence to his listeners. Teddy is also noted for his work with other young and inspiring artists throughout Ethiopia.

Rise To Fame

In 2001, Teddy released his debut album, Abugida, named after the Abugida sylabary of the Ge'ez language. The album catapulted him on the global music scene and quickly won him the admiration of his people and individuals from all walks of life throughout the world. Several tracks in particular quickly caught the ear of many listeners outside his native Ethiopia — "Halieselassie", a tribute to the late Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie I; "Haile, Haile," a hit single in honor of Olympic long distance champion and national hero Haile Gebrselassie; and "Mona Lisa," a measure of human beauty.

The long anticipated second album, Yasteseryal, was finally released in 2005. The release of this album coincided with elevated political tension in Ethiopia surrounding the Ethiopian general election of 2005. His politically and socially inspired song vibrated a call of unity and peace. However, some elements in the song were not welcomed by the state-owned media, resulting in a ban of his 'Jah yasteseryal' song.

====================

Melaku says:

I occasionally listen to some of his lovely music. I appreciate his unique melody. Yasterseryal is a Ge'ez word which literally means "absolves sins" or "absolution". As indicated above, the young artist aired his sentiments and feelings for a radical change in Ethiopia. He alluded by using this historic word -- Yasterseryal -- to the leading Ethiopian opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy, as a harbinger of peace, democracy, and good governance for Ethiopia. Unfortunately, the long awaited change did not come about. Let's hope for peace and democracy for Ethiopia, through peaceful means!

I have already written a compendium of biographies in Amharic on many world-renowned composers and musicians such as Mozart, Wagner, Tchaikovsky, etc., as well as Ethiopian religious and secular musicians. If anyone is interested in publishing this, please contact me.

Haile Gebrselassie: Ethiopian Champion Long Distance Runner

Haile Gebrselassie (born April 18, 1973) is an Ethiopian long distance track and road running athlete. Known for his remarkable versatility, Haile achieved major competition wins at distances between 1500 metres and marathon, moving from outdoor, indoor and cross country running to road running in the latter part of his career. He has broken 25 world records and won numerous Olympic and World Championship titles, and is widely considered one of the greatest distance runners in history.

Early Career

Haile was born as one of ten children in Asella, Arsi Province, Ethiopia. As a child growing up on a farm, he used to run ten kilometres to school every morning, and the same back every evening. This led to a distinctive running posture, with his left arm crooked as if still holding his schoolbooks.

Haile gained international recognition in 1992 when he won the 5,000-metre and 10,000-metre races at the 1992 junior World Championships in Seoul, and a silver medal in the junior race at the World Cross Country Championships.

The next year, in 1993, Haile won the first of what would eventually be four consecutive world championships titles in the men's 10,000 meters at the 1993, 1995, 1997, and 1999 World Championships. At the 1993 World Championships, he also ran the 5,000-metre race to finish a close second behind Ismael Kirui of Kenya. In 1994 he won a bronze medal in the IAAF World Cross Country Championships. Later that year, he set his first world record by running a 12:56.96 in the 5,000-metres, breaking Said Aouita's record by two seconds.

In 1995, Haile ran the 10,000-metres in 26:43.53 in Hengelo, Netherlands, lowering the world record by a full nine seconds. That same summer, in Zürich, Switzerland, Haile ran the 5000 metres in 12:44.39, ripping an astonishing 10.91 seconds off the world record 12:55.30 (established by Kenya's Moses Kiptanui earlier in the year). This world record at the Weltklasse meet in Zürich was voted Performance of the Year by Track & Field News magazine.

With this performance, Haile seemingly put the 5,000-meter record out of reach for quite a while, but the very next year Daniel Komen showed that this wasn't the case. At the same Weltklasse meet in Zürich, an exhausted Haile, suffering from blisters obtained on the hard track in Atlanta (where he would win the Olympic 10,000 meter gold in 1996), had no answer to the 58-second lap of Daniel Komen with 5 laps to go as Komen went on to win and just miss Haile's record, finishing in 12:45.09.

In 1997, Haile turned the tables on Komen at the same meet. Coming off his third 10K world championship gold medal, Haile outkicked Komen in another Zürich classic on August 13, covering the final 200 meters in 26.8 seconds to break his 5,000-meter world record with a time of 12:41.86. Komen, in turn, took Haile's record only nine days later when Komen ran a 12:39.74 performance in Belgium.

Middle Career

The next year, 1998, saw Haile lowering the indoor world records for 2,000 and 3,000 meters, enjoying success outdoors by taking back both the 5,000 and 10,000 meter world records, as well as earning a share in the Golden League jackpot for winning all of his races in the Golden League series that summer. In June 1998, in Hengelo, Netherlands, Haile set a 10,000 meter world record 26:22.75, breaking Paul Tergat's world record 26:27.85, running evenly paced 13:11/13:11 5K splits.

Just 13 days later, Haile took on the 5,000 meter mark of Komen in Helsinki, Finland. Croatian pacemaker Branko Zorko took the pace out too slowly, hitting 1000 meters in 2:33.91 and dropping out at the mile. Millon Wolde and Assefa Mezgebu led Haile through 2,000 meters in 5:05.62. His pacemakers could not maintain the pace, though, and Haile was left alone for a difficult solo effort 6 laps out. Hitting 3,000 meters in 7:38.93, even the British commentators announcing the race counted him out. With 4 laps to go (8:40.00), Haile needed a sub-4 minute final 1,600 meters for the record. With one lap to go and in great pain, Haile took off, recording a final lap of 56.77 seconds and a final 1,600 meters of 3:59.36 (= 4:00.96 mile) to race to a 12:39.36 world record.

In 1999, Haile starred as himself in the movie Endurance. The film chronicled his quest to win Olympic gold in the 10,000-meters in Atlanta. On the track, he won a 1,500/3000 meter double at the world indoor track championships, defended his outdoor world track championships 10,000 meter title, and remained undefeated in all his races (which ranged from the 1,500 up to 10,000 meters).

In 2000, Haile again won all of his races, ranking first in the world yet again in both the 5,000 and 10,000 meters. At the 2000 Sydney Olympics, he became the third man in history to successfully defend an Olympic 10,000 meter title (after Emil Zátopek and Lasse Virén). The narrow Olympic victory over Kenya's Paul Tergat came down to a blistering final kick, with Tergat's 26.3 second final 200 meters being topped by Haile's even faster 25.4. The winning margin of victory was only 0.09 seconds, closer than the winning margin in the men's 100 meter dash final.

In 2001, Haile won the IAAF World half marathon and the bronze medal in the 10,000 meters at the 2001 World Championships in Athletics.

On August 30, 2003, Haile topped the polls when elected as a member of the IAAF Athletes Commission. Also in 2003, at the World Championships in Paris, Haile was involved in one of the most remarkable 10,000 meter races of all time while gaining a silver medal behind countryman and protégé Kenenisa Bekele. The last half of the 10,000 meter final at the championships was completed in a staggering 12:57.24 (12:57.2 for Bekele and 12:58.8 for Haile). According to the IAAF, "[n]ot only was this split the fastest closing 5,000 meters in the championships 10,000m (the previous record was 13:12.12, recorded in Atlanta), but it was also the fastest 5,000 meters in a global championships surpassing the 12:58.13 Salah Hissou recorded when he won the 5,000m in Sevilla'99." (This remark remained true until a week later when the World Track & Field Championship 5,000 meter medalists (including Bekele) all ran faster than the second 5,000 meter split in the previous week's 10,000 meters.) "The difference between the closing 5,000 meter splits (12:57.24) and the 5,000 meter World record (12:39.36) was 17.98 seconds, which is a record. The previous best of 18.4 seconds (13:31.4 for the closing 5,000 meters when the World Record was 13:13.0) was recorded in the 1976 Olympics."

In 2004 Athens Olympics, Haile was seeking to become the first man in history to win three straight Olympic gold medals in the 10000 meter run. He was unable to do so, however, finishing fifth in a race won by his compatriot Kenenisa Bekele, who had broken both of Haile's major track world records, the 5000 meter and the 10000 meter records. Shortly before the Athens games, Haile was unable to train for 3 weeks due to inflammation of his Achilles tendon. The injury was severe enough that he would not have competed otherwise, but did so because of significant pressure from his country. This loss of the final period of training likely cost him a medal.


Later Career

Since leaving the track after the 2004 Olympics, Haile has focused on road racing and the marathon. His adult marathons to date include London 2002, Amsterdam 2005 (1st place), London 2006, Berlin 2006 (1st place), Fukuoka 2006 (1st place), London 2007, and Berlin 2007 (1st place and World Record).

In 2005 Haile went undefeated in all of his road races. This included a British All-Comers record in the 10K at Manchester (27:25), a win in the Amsterdam Marathon in the fastest marathon time in the world for 2006 (2:06:20), and a new world best for 10 miles in Tilburg, The Netherlands (44:24). (His unofficial split of 41:22 at the 15K mark was 7 seconds faster than the official world best.)

Haile started 2006 positively by beating the world half marathon record by a full 21 seconds, recording a time of 58 minutes and 55 seconds on January 15th. He broke the record, his first one on American soil, by running the second half of the Arizona Rock 'n' Roll Marathon. During the race he also broke Paul Tergat's 20 km record, both records having stood since 1998. (Haile passed the 20 km mark in 55:48.) 2006 also marked another victory for Haile as he shattered the 25 km world road record by 68 seconds in a time of 1:11:37. The race was organized where Haile and six other runners would run 5 kilometers and then cross the starting line of the 20 kilometer Alphen race in Alphen aan den Rijn of the Netherlands. However this record wasn't recognised by the IAAF, since he wasn't checked for blood doping (EPO).

On April 23, 2006, he finished 9th in the London Marathon with a time of 2:09:05 (the race was won by Kenyan Felix Limo, who clocked 2:06:39). Haile referred to the 9th-place finish as "the worst race of my career". However, on September 24 he came back with a win in the Berlin Marathon in the fastest time of the year, 2:05:56. This was followed by a win in the Fukuoka Marathon, Japan in 2:06:52. His time in Berlin made him only the fifth man in history to run under 2:06 for the marathon.

In London on April 22, 2007 Haile challenged the 2006 London Marathon winner Felix Limo, the 2005 London Marathon winner Martin Lel, the 2004 Athens gold medalist Stefano Baldini, the 2006 New York Marathon winner Marilson Gomes dos Santos, and the current marathon world record holder Paul Tergat in what organizers anticipated would be an exciting race. However Haile dropped out at the 18 mile stage complaining of a stitch and inability to breathe, which turned out to be an allergic reaction to the pollen in the air. This left the 2005 winner Martin Lel to come home in first place.

One month later, Haile made a surprise return to the track where he ran a 26:52.81 in finishing 5th in a very competitive 10,000 meter race in Hengelo, The Netherlands. What made Haile's time so noteworthy, besides being the 8th time in his career to run under 27 minutes (more than anyone in history) is the fact that Haile is the only man older than 30 to break 27 minutes in the 10,000 meters. Moreover, his twelve year range of doing so (from 1995 to 2007) is remarkable.

On June 27, 2007, Haile launched an attack upon the world record for the one hour run, in Ostrava, Czech Republic. This record attempt was successful as Haile passed the hour mark at 21,285 m (13 miles 397 yards), thus eclipsing the previous best, 21,101 m, set by Mexican Arturo Barrios in La Fléche, France, on 30 March 1991. Furthermore, Haile covered 50 laps (20,000 m) in 56:25.98, another world best, well within the previous 56:55.6 also set by Barrios in 1991. These were his 23rd and 24th world records.

Haile made his running debut in New York City when he won the New York City Half Marathon on August 5, 2007 in 59:24, breaking the previous course record by two minutes. He has a perfect record of 8-0 in winning all of his half marathons.

On September 30, 2007 Haile won the Berlin Marathon in 2:04:26 (4:44.8 per mile), setting the world record and shaving 29 seconds off Paul Tergat's record, set on the same course in 2003. His victory further energized the celebrations of the Ethiopian Millennium (unique to the Ethiopian calendar), which began on September 12, 2007. On the winners podium he wore a blue ribbon to signify his support for Vicky's Water Project - a project set up in memory of Vicky Buchanan to bring clean running water to Lera Town in Ethiopia.

source: Wikipedia

Quotes

• At the moment I am a little bit politician, yes. I think that could be my next step. It is not because I want power, it is because of what I think I could do for the people.
• Eradicate poverty. This is all that matters in my country. When I am out training I think about this a lot; when I am running it is going over in my mind. As a country we cannot move forward until we eradicate poverty.
• He was not a runner, my father, but he was quick. I always remember it was very difficult to escape from him when he was angry. If he wanted to beat us he would always catch us. Even me, he could always catch me.
• I have to change a lot of things before I become a good marathon runner.
• I haven't done a marathon for a long time. So we'll see. I will need good luck.
• I think if you come first with a new world record, that is the best.
• I used to run to school, 10k every day. And this at altitude, perfect preparation, really.
• I will always listen to my coaches. But first I listen to my body. If what they tell me suits my body, great. If my body doesn't feel good with what they say, then always my body comes first.
• I'm lucky. The best possible place in the world for training is Addis Ababa, so I am home all the time except when I am racing. I like to be there, near my family, my kids, also the real estate business I run with my wife.
• In the rainy season, sometimes to get to the first lesson we had to run really quick, because we had to cross the river to school and we'd have to go up and down the bank to find a place to cross because there is no bridge.
• My father thought sport was something fun - he didn't know it was a way to make money. Then I won a Mercedes at the world championships and I gave it to him. From the moment it arrived my father said: 'Good, you can support not just yourself but me too'.
• Oh yes, yes they did, but it came from a long time ago, it was not possible for me to change it. Me and the style, we have grown together.
• Since I achieved something, running has exploded in my country. For me sometimes it is difficult even to know who the athletes are who are competing at the highest level. There are thousands.
• That is not enough. Sport has been great for me, a great learning place that if you want to achieve you can, even if you are from the poorest part of Africa.
• This hand is not very active always, because it was in this hand that I carried my books. My carrying hand was always my strongest. Now I think my other hand has developed more muscles from signing all those autographs.
• This is what I wanted. They tell me that London is the best field in history. I wanted to be part of that. Because everyone will be there it will be a wonderful challenge for me. You can see the best runners, how they look, how they run. For me to beat the best is what counts.
• What can you do if a part of it is uphill? You can't work out another route. You've just got to run the one they give you. But they tell me London is a nice course. Even the cobbles, I hope, are not very much of a problem for me.
• When we race in London a world record will be the last thing on our minds.
• You know, I want to help my country. Definitely I can help them, simply by winning races. Sure, they can follow my path to a good career. But for me it is not enough. I want to be more than that. In everything I want to be a role model.
  

===============

Melaku says:

Haile is a role model for Ethiopian youth, a champion by anyone's definition. The celebrated young musician, Teddy Afro, praised Haile in one of his latest hits.

Haile, I heard, is also a philanthropist. He gave money for the construction of an elementary school in Gojjam district. The other point worth mentioning is that Haile played a big role in the reconciliation effort made by Professor Ephraim Yitzak and Pastor Danield to resolve the vicious problem between the government and the leaders of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party. Bravo Haile! Please keep up your peace efforts!

Liya Kebede: Ethiopian Super-Model

Liya Kebede (born January 3, 1978 in Addis Ababa) is an Ethiopian supermodel who has appeared on the cover of US Vogue twice. According to Forbes, Kebede was eleventh-highest-paid top model in 2007.

Biography

Liya was born and raised in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. A film director spotted Liya while she was attending Lycee Guebre Mariam (a French high school in Addis Ababa) and introduced her to a French modeling agent. After completing her studies, she moved to France to pursue work through a Parisian agency. Liya later relocated to New York City. She has remarked that the modeling industry in Ethiopia is quite different from the catwalks on which she is now ubiquitous. In contrast, in Ethiopia she had to provide her own shoes for each runway show.

Liya was a contestant in the 1998 Face of Africa, however she didn't even place in the Top 5. Oluchi won the 1998 competition.

Personal Life

Kebede married Ethiopian hedge fund manager Kassy Kebede in 2000 and they have two children together; son Suhul (b. 2001) and daughter Raee (b. August 2005). As of 2007, the family resides in New York City.

Modeling Career

Liya's big break came when Tom Ford asked her for an exclusive contract for his Gucci Fall/Winter 2000 fashion show. Liya established a place in fashion's elite by modeling on the New York, Milan and Paris runway circuit. Liya's popularity in the fashion industry sky-rocketed when she appeared on the cover the May 2002 edition of Paris Vogue which dedicated the entire issue to her.

Liya has been seen on the covers of Italian, Japanese, American, French and Spanish Vogue, V, Flair, i-D and Time's Style & Design. Liya has been featured in ad campaigns including those for Gap, Yves Saint-Laurent, Victoria's Secret, Emanuel Ungaro, Tommy Hilfiger, Revlon, Dolce & Gabbana, Escada and Louis Vuitton. In 2003, Liya was named the newest face of Estée Lauder cosmetics, the first person of color to serve as their representative in the company's 57-year history. Her contract was rumoured to be for $3 million dollars.

Liya is one of a very few ethnically African models featured in major fashion photo shoots and runway shows. According to Conor Kennedy, in 2003 a booker at Elite Model Management, "It's like there's only room for one very successful black model at a time. For the past year, it's been Liya Kebede".

In 2005, Liya was appointed as WHO Goodwill Ambassador for Maternal, Newborn, and Child Health. She also appeared in a group montage on a rare (well, rare as of recent years) group montage of up and coming supermodels.

In summer of 2006 she was also one of the very few black models to have been given a cover of American Vogue, the issue highlighted her humanitarian work.

In July 2007, earning at an estimated total of $2.5 million in the past 12 months, Forbes named her eleventh in the list of the World's 15 Top-Earning Supermodels.

Liya has also had minor roles in two films: The Good Shepherd, and Lord of War.

Quotes

• "Every day we hear about the dangers of cancer, heart disease and AIDS. But how many of us realize that, in much of the world, the act of giving life to a child is still the biggest killer of women of child-bearing age? That over half a million die every year? Or that 3 million babies are stillborn? Or that another 4 million die during the first days and weeks of life?" – during her acceptance of the 2005 UN Day Award.

===================

Melaku says:

I found Liya's life history quite interesting. She is a pioneer in her field who should be emulated by other Ethiopian youngsters.

source: Wikipedia

Health Tip: The Effect of Eating a Heavy Meal when You are Overweight

When you are young and slim, you can eat what you want and your normal activity level will burn the calories with no problem.

When you get older, your metabolism slows down and if your activity level does not change, you will gain weight.

When you are more than 10 kilos overweight, your body seems to have a harder time digesting the food from a heavy meal, and keeping your brain going at full capacity. So you begin to get tired, you yawn a lot. In extreme cases, people fall asleep. This is a bad time to be driving a car or operating machinery, such as a lawn mower.

In short, rest when you are tired, don't try to do something that requires your brain. Slim people don't have this problem. The problem is with obese persons. With extremely obese people, this condition is called "narcolepsy". Therefor, have light meals every time so that you can keep your brain active.

Source: Douglas

Herodotus on Ethiopia

In the introduction of the book, "Herodotus -- The Histories", his life has been described in part as follows:

Hardly anything is known of Herodotus' life. He was born between 490 and 480 BC at Halicarnassus, a Dorian town in Caria, on the south-west coast of Asia Minor, spent some years of his early manhood in travelling over the greater part of the then known world -- visiting Egypt as far south as Assuan, Mesopotamia, Palestine, southern Russia, and the northern fringe of the African continent -- and retired in later life to Thurii in Italy, where he expanded and revised his history...

Herodotus is better known to us as a person than any other ancient Greek writer. Plato was the supreme prose artist of the Greeks; but to read Plato brings one into communion with his mind and spirit only; to read Herodotus invites us to walk by his side, to listen to his voice, to mark on his face the shifts of expression from grave to gay, from wonder, awe and agression to incredulity or amusement: it gives us the man himself as he lived amongst men, noting with unappeasable zest their infinite variety and strangeness, not without a lift of the eyebrow at their old ways and occasional propensity for telling lies. Herodotus' prose is a mirror of personality and character.

Herodotus is the ancient world's equivalent of Michael Palin, the popular travel writer and narrator. Here is what Herodotus wrote about ancient Ethiopia:

... On this subject I could get no further information from anybody. I went as far as Elephantine to see what I could with my own eyes, but for the country still further south I had to be content with what I was told in answer to my questions. The most I could learn was that beyond Elephantine the country rises steeply; and in that part of the river, boats have to be hauled along by ropes -- one rope on each side -- much as one drags an ox. If the rope parts, the boat is gone in a moment, carried away by the force of the stream. These conditions last over a four days' journey, the river all the time winding greatly, like the Maeander, and the distance to be covered amounting to twelve schoeni (one schoenus is approximately 3.5 miles (5.6 kilometers), or the distance that could be traversed on foot in an hour, so 12 schoeni is about 42 miles or 67 km).

After this one reaches a level plain, where the river is divided by an island named "Tachompso". South of Elephantine, the country is inhabited by Ethiopians who also possess half of Tachompso, the other half being occupied by Egyptians. Beyond the island is a great lake, and round its shores live nomadic tribes of Ethiopians. After crossing the lake, one comes again to the stream of the Nile, which flows into it. At this point, one must land and travel along the bank of the river for forty days, because sharp rocks, some showing above water and many just awash, makes the river impracticable for boats.

After the forty days' journey on land, one takes another boat and in twelve days reaches a big city named "Meiroe", said to be the capital city of the Ethiopians. The inhabitants worship Zeus and Dionysus alone of the gods, holding them in great honour. There is an oracle of Zeus there, and they make war according to its pronouncements, taking from it both the occasion and the object of their various expeditions.

Continuing upstream for the same length of time as it takes to travel from Elephantine to the capital, one comes to the deserters -- a people whose name is Ashkam, a word which would mean in Greek 'those who stand on the left hand of the king'. They were a body of men 240,000 strong, of the Egyptian warrior class, who went over to the Ethiopians during the reign of Psammetichus. The Egyptians had guard posts in various parts of the country: one at Elephantine against the Ethiopians, another in Daphnae at Pelusium against the Arabians and Assyrians, and a third at Marea to keep a watch on Libya.

The Persians have similar garrisons today both at Elephantine and Daphnae. Now it happened in Psammetichus' time that the Egyptians were kept on garrison duty for three years without being relieved, and this was the cause of their desertion. They discussed their grievances, came to a unanimous resolution, and went off in a body to Ethiopia. The king, on hearing the news, gave chase and overtook them; and the story goes that when he besought them to return and used every argument to disuade them from abandoning their wives and children and the gods of the country, one of their members pointed, in reply, to his private parts, and said, that wherever those were, there would be no lack of wives and children. So they continued their journey to Ethiopia and put themselves at the disposal of the Ethiopian king, by whom they were well rewarded, for he gave them permission to expel certain Ethiopians with whom he was on bad terms, and settle on their land. The result of their living there was that the Ethiopians learned Egyptian manners and became more civilised.

The course of the Nile is, then, known not only where it traverses Egypt, but as much further southward as one can travel by land or water in four months; for calculation will show that that is the time it takes to go from Elephantine to the deserters. At that point, the river runs from west to east; beyond, nobody knows its course with any certainty, for the country is uninhabited because of the heat.

===================

Melaku says:

I learned that Meroe, the Northern part of present-day Sudan, was part of Ethiopia during the Sabean and Axumite Kingdoms, when I made a visit to Sudan's National Museum in Khartoum in 1994. In the museum, the remains of the ancient Christian churches, wall carvings, and other sacred items are exhibited.

But how about Elphantine and Tachompso (Upper Nile region)? Despite the confusion in the geographic location of the day by Herodotus, what we can learn from his illustrious description is that, as in the history of the legendary Queen of Sheba, there is a thread that links Egypt and Ethiopia. The other point which we can understand from this depiction of ancient Ethiopia is that the country had a strong army.

In another reading I made a few months ago on ancient Mesopotamia, specifically about the biography of the famous King Nebuchadnezzar, whose history has been well documented in the Old Testament, Ethiopian and Lybian soldiers had fought along with the Pharoah of Egypt against King Nebuchadnezzar. Unfortunately, they lost the war and had been severely vanquished, so much so that they were forced to retreat back to Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar took over the entire Palestine area which was previously ruled by the Pharoahs of Egypt. Egypt was saved from being attacked by the powerful Mesopotamian king by making truce and dilomatic negotiation which resulted, among other things, in the marriage of the daughter of the Pharoah to King Nebuchadnezzar. Here again we see the connection or the relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia which survived the test of time. How about now?

History of Ethiopia

Ethiopia is credited with being the origin of mankind. Bones discovered in eastern Ethiopia date back 3.2 million years. Ethiopia is the oldest independent country in Africa and one of the oldest in the world. Herodotus, the Greek historian of the fifth century B.C. describes ancient Ethiopia in his writings. The Old Testament of the Bible records the Queen of Sheba's visit to Jerusalem. According to legend, Menelik I, the son of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, founded the Ethiopian Empire. Missionaries from Egypt and Syria introduced Christianity in the fourth century A.D. Following the rise of Islam in the seventh century, Ethiopia was gradually cut off from European Christendom. The Portuguese established contact with Ethiopia in 1493, primarily to strengthen their influence over the Indian Ocean and to convert Ethiopia to Roman Catholicism. There followed a century of conflict between pro- and anti-Catholic factions, resulting in the expulsion of all foreign missionaries in the 1630s. This period of bitter religious conflict contributed to hostility toward foreign Christians and Europeans, which persisted into the 20th century and was a factor in Ethiopia's isolation until the mid-19th century.

Under the Emperors Theodore II (1855-68), Johannes IV (1872-89), and Menelik II (1889-1913), the kingdom was consolidated and began to emerge from its medieval isolation. When Menelik II died, his grandson, Lij Iyassu, succeeded to the throne but soon lost support because of his Muslim ties. The Christian nobility deposed him in 1916, and Menelik's daughter, Zewditu, was made empress. Her cousin, Ras Tafari Makonnen (1892-1975), was made regent and successor to the throne. In 1930, after the empress died, the regent, adopting the throne name Haile Selassie, was crowned emperor. His reign was interrupted in 1936 when Italian Fascist forces invaded and occupied Ethiopia. The emperor was forced into exile in England despite his plea to the League of Nations for intervention. Five years later, British and Ethiopian forces defeated the Italians, and the emperor returned to the throne.

After a period of civil unrest, which began in February 1974, the aging Haile Selassie I was deposed on September 12, 1974, and a provisional administrative council of soldiers, known as the Derg ("committee") seized power from the emperor and installed a government, which was socialist in name and military in style. The Derg summarily executed 59 members of the royal family and ministers and generals of the emperor's government; Emperor Haile Selassie was strangled on August 22, 1975, in his room in a small church called Kidana Mehret located in the premises of the Church of Saint Mary, commonly known as Baata Mariam, and built by Emperor Menelik II. This church is located in the neighbourhood of the modern villa inhabited by the current Prime Minister.

Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam assumed power as head of state and Derg chairman, after having his two predecessors killed. Mengistu's years in office were marked by a totalitarian-style government and the country's massive militarization, financed by the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, and assisted by Cuba. From 1977 through early 1978 thousands of suspected enemies of the Derg were tortured and/or killed in a purge called the "red terror." Communism was officially adopted during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the promulgation of a Soviet-style constitution, Politburo, and the creation of the Workers' Party of Ethiopia (WPE).

In December 1976, an Ethiopian delegation in Moscow signed a military assistance agreement with the Soviet Union. The following April, Ethiopia abrogated its military assistance agreement with the United States and expelled the American military missions. In July 1977, sensing the disarray in Ethiopia, Somalia attacked across the Ogaden Desert in pursuit of its irredentist claims to the ethnic Somali areas of Ethiopia. Ethiopian forces were driven back deep inside their own frontier but, with the assistance of a massive Soviet airlift of arms and Cuban and Yemeni combat forces, they stemmed the attack. The major Somali regular units were forced out of the Ogaden in March 1978. Thirty years later, development in the eastern region of Ethiopia, inhabited by Ethiopian-Somalis, still lags. Currently, there is an insurrection in this area with separatist forces battling against the Ethiopian government troops.

The Derg's collapse was hastened by droughts and famine, as well as by insurrections, particularly in the northern regions of Tigray and Eritrea. In 1989, the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) merged with other ethnically based opposition movements to form the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). In May 1991, EPRDF forces advanced on Addis Ababa. Mengistu fled the country for asylum in Zimbabwe, where he still resides.

In July 1991, the EPRDF, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and others established the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) which was comprised of an 87-member Council of Representatives and guided by a national charter that functioned as a transitional constitution. In June 1992, the OLF withdrew from the government; in March 1993, members of the Southern Ethiopia Peoples' Democratic Coalition left the government.

In May 1991, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), led by Isaias Afwerki, assumed control of Eritrea and established a provisional government. This provisional government independently administered Eritrea until April 23-25, 1993, when Eritreans voted overwhelmingly for independence in a UN-monitored free and fair referendum. With Ethiopia’s consent, Eritrea was declared independent on April 27, and the United States recognized its independence on April 28, 1993.

In Ethiopia, President Meles Zenawi and members of the TGE pledged to oversee the formation of a multi-party democracy. The election for a 547-member constituent assembly was held in June 1994, and this assembly adopted the constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia in December 1994. The elections for Ethiopia's first popularly chosen national parliament and regional legislatures were held in May and June 1995. Most opposition parties chose to boycott these elections, ensuring a landslide victory for the EPRDF. International and non-governmental observers concluded that opposition parties would have been able to participate had they chosen to do so. The Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia was installed in August 1995.

In May 1998, Eritrean forces attacked part of the Ethiopia-Eritrea border region, seizing some Ethiopian-controlled territory. The strike spurred a two-year war between the neighboring states that cost over 100,000 lives. Ethiopian and Eritrean leaders signed an Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities on June 18, 2000, and a peace agreement, known as the Algiers Agreement, on December 12, 2000. The agreements called for an end to the hostilities, a 25-kilometer-wide Temporary Security Zone along the Ethiopia-Eritrea border, the establishment of a United Nations peacekeeping force to monitor compliance, and the establishment of the Ethiopia Eritrea Boundary Commission (EEBC) to act as a neutral body to assess colonial treaties and applicable international law in order to render final and binding border delimitation and demarcation determinations. The United Nations Mission to Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE) was established in September 2000. The EEBC presented its border delimitation decision on April 13, 2002. To date, neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea has taken the steps necessary to enable the EEBC to demarcate the border.

Opposition candidates won 12 seats in national parliamentary elections in 2001. Ethiopia held the most free and fair national campaign period in the country’s history prior to May 15, 2005 elections. Unfortunately, electoral irregularities and tense campaign rhetoric resulted in a protracted election complaints review process. Public protests turned violent in June 2005. The National Electoral Board released final results in September 2005, with the opposition taking over 170 of the 547 parliamentary seats and 137 of the 138 seats for the Addis Ababa municipal council.

Opposition parties called for a boycott of parliament and civil disobedience to protest the election results. In early November 2005, Ethiopian security forces responded to public protests by arresting scores of opposition leaders, as well as journalists and human rights advocates, and detaining tens of thousands of civilians in rural detention camps for up to three months.

In December 2005, the government charged 131 opposition, media, and civil society leaders with capital offenses including "outrages against the constitution." Thirty-eight opposition leaders and journalists were convicted in June 2007. Approximately 150 of the elected opposition members of parliament have taken their seats. Ruling and opposition parties have engaged in a process of dialogue to address issues of democratic governance raised by the 2005 elections, including parliamentary rules of procedure, media regulation, and reform of the National Electoral Board.

source: USA Dept of State

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Melaku says:

Concerning the 2005 national election, my position is that the main opposition party, namely the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, did not make a call for civil disobedience (which results in damage of public property and loss of life) but rather for passive resistance (staying at home). This is a common practice of expressing opposition. Had it not been for stringent security measures taken by the government, the leaders of the opposition parties and the 4 million people of Addis Abba, the majority of whom gave their vote to the opposition, could have demonstrated peacefully. However, the unfortunate happened; a mob action has occurred causing an over-reaction by the government. Tony Blair, the former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, said this -- over-reaction -- to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia during a summit which took place in South Africa about a year ago.

Therefore, I personally believe that the leaders of the opposition and their supporters, numbered in tens of thousands, have paid a high price for the crime of wishing for freedom and democracy. 193 people died and over 50,000 have been imprisoned in different concentration camps in the country. This figure of 50,000 prisoners has been described by a journalist as the largest number since apartheid.

Two judges, who were members of the inquiry commission established by the government to investigate the crisis that cropped up as a result of the May 2005 national election, after fleeing the country, have testified about this horrific event in the US Congress and in the media.

On the hot issue of Ogadan, I will later reveal my position.

Economy of Ethiopia

Real GDP (2006 est.): $13.3 billion.

Annual growth rate (2006 est.): 9.6%.

Per capita income (2006 est.): $130.

Average inflation rate (2006 est.): 13%.

Natural resources: Potash, salt, gold, copper, platinum, natural gas (unexploited).

Agriculture (47% of GDP): Products--coffee, cereals, pulses, oilseeds, khat, meat, hides and skins. Cultivated land--17%.

Industry (12% of GDP): Types--textiles, processed foods, construction, cement, and hydroelectric power.
Trade (2006 est.): Exports--$1.1 billion. Imports--$4.1 billion; plus remittances--official est. $400 million; unofficial est. $400 million.

Fiscal year: July 8-July 7.

The current government has embarked on a cautious program of economic reform, including privatization of state enterprises and rationalization of government regulation. While the process is still ongoing, so far the reforms have attracted only meager foreign investment, and the government remains heavily involved in the economy.

The Ethiopian economy is based on agriculture, which contributes 47% to GNP and more than 80% of exports, and employs 85% of the population. The major agricultural export crop is coffee, providing 35% of Ethiopia's foreign exchange earnings, down from 65% a decade ago because of the slump in coffee prices since the mid-1990s. Other traditional major agricultural exports are hides and skins, pulses, oilseeds, and the traditional "khat," a leafy shrub that has psychotropic qualities when chewed. Sugar and gold production has also become important in recent years.

Ethiopia's agriculture is plagued by periodic drought, soil degradation caused by inappropriate agricultural practices and overgrazing, deforestation, high population density, undeveloped water resources, and poor transport infrastructure, making it difficult and expensive to get goods to market. Yet agriculture is the country's most promising resource. Potential exists for self-sufficiency in grains and for export development in livestock, flowers, grains, oilseeds, sugar, vegetables, and fruits.

Gold, marble, limestone, and small amounts of tantalum are mined in Ethiopia. Other resources with potential for commercial development include large potash deposits, natural gas, iron ore, and possibly oil and geothermal energy. Although Ethiopia has good hydroelectric resources, which power most of its manufacturing sector, it is totally dependent on imports for its oil. A landlocked country, Ethiopia has relied on the port of Djibouti since the 1998-2000 border war with Eritrea. Ethiopia is connected with the port of Djibouti by road and rail for international trade. Of the 23,812 kilometers of all-weather roads in Ethiopia, 15% are asphalt. Mountainous terrain and the lack of good roads and sufficient vehicles make land transportation difficult and expensive. However, the government-owned airline’s reputation is excellent. Ethiopian Airlines serves 38 domestic airfields and has 42 international destinations.

Dependent on a few vulnerable crops for its foreign exchange earnings and reliant on imported oil, Ethiopia lacks sufficient foreign exchange earnings. The financially conservative government has taken measures to solve this problem, including stringent import controls and sharply reduced subsidies on retail gasoline prices. Nevertheless, the largely subsistence economy is incapable of meeting the budget requirements for drought relief, an ambitious development plan, and indispensable imports such as oil. The gap has largely been covered through foreign assistance inflows.

source: USA Dept of State

Government of Ethiopia

Type: Federal Republic.

Constitution: Ratified 1994.

Branches:

• Executive: president, Council of State, Council of Ministers. Executive power resides with the prime minister.

• Legislative: bicameral parliament. Judicial--divided into Federal and Regional Courts.

Administrative subdivisions: 9 regions and 2 special city administrations: Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa.

Political parties: Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF), Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), and other small parties.

Suffrage: Universal starting at age 18.

Central government budget (2006 est.): $3.4 billion.

Defence: $348 million (5.6% of GDP FY 2003).

National holiday: May 28.

Ethiopia is a federal republic under the 1994 constitution. The executive branch includes a president, Council of State, and Council of Ministers. Executive power resides with the prime minister. There is a bicameral parliament; national legislative elections were held in 2005. The judicial branch comprises federal and regional courts.

Political parties include the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF), and other small parties. Suffrage is universal at age 18.

In 2003, Ethiopia continued its transition from a unitary to a federal system of government. The EPRDF-led government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has promoted a policy of ethnic federalism, devolving significant powers to regional, ethnically based authorities. Ethiopia today has 9 semi-autonomous administrative regions and two special city administrations (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa), which have the power to raise their own revenues. Under the present government, Ethiopians enjoy wider, albeit circumscribed, political freedom than ever before in Ethiopia’s history.

source: USA Dept of State